It is difficult to cement a singular and cohesive
definition for the term, “national identity”. It is as abstract as many socio-
and psychological concepts that are rewritten and argued time after time due to
its ambiguity. At first glance, national identity can be recognized as a
continuous ladder of “binary oppositions”, or mankind identifying an “other”
and then defining ourselves against it (Mandler, P. 2006). It also relates to
the idea of “nationalism”, where nations take pride into the history it has
built itself upon. But when we further inspect this notion, it is revealed that
there are many aspects to what factors into “national identity”, such as:
culture, religion, politics, and more. By looking at national identity on a
global scale, we take into consideration of how this open-ended terminology applies
in many different countries striving to formulate an entirely unique identity.
In this blog post, we will apply
this examine this understanding of national identity on the country of Slovenia.
Having spent most of its existence as part of the once unified nation of Yugoslavia,
Slovenia has made grand strides in developing its own government since its independence
in 1991 (CIA, 2019). But in recent years, the Slovenian identity has come to a
crossroads of the meshing of ethnic majority and minority groups within the
country. This conflict persists in contributing to the nation’s struggle in authenticating
a Slovenian national identity, but there is no doubt that the people will persevere
these adversities.
Let us begin understanding
Slovenian national identity by delving into the roots of establishing it. As previously
mentioned, Slovenia was one of multiple nations that formed Yugoslavia (CIA, 2019).
Other notable contributors being Serbia and Croatia. There is much to unravel
when discussing the buildup and aftermath of the demolition of the once
affiliated country, but in short, its breakup was a “result of power struggles
between elites in all republics” who had expected more benefits and
opportunities than was given (Kleibrink, A. 2013). Slovenia was “dissatisfied
with the exercise of power by the majority Serbs” and seceded itself following
a 10-day war and gained independence in June of 1991 (CIA, 2019). It proceeded
onward as an “internationally significant region of traffic and transit at the
European and transcontinental levels” (Klemenčič, V., Genorio, R. 1993). Soon Slovenia became a melting
pot of Slovenes, Italians, Hungarians, Serbs, and more. And while this is often
perceived as a positive characteristic, it poses as the essence to most of the
Slovenian discourse, in that, the start of Slovenian nationalism was rooted in distinguishing
“true” Slovenians with members of Slovenia’s “Other”, or “any foreigner
arriving from the south or east of Slovenia” (Bajt, V. 2016).
Despite
its status as an ethnically diverse democracy, Slovenia remains at the heart of
a prolonged dissertation of the multiple language barriers that exists within
the country. After all, Slovenia was “historically founded on linguistic
affiliation”; having had a band of poets and writers fight for the preservation
of the language within multinational state formations it has suffered through
in the past (Rupel, D. 2003). So how does this pluralism of ethnic minorities interfere
with the endeavors of constituting a stable Slovenian nation identity?
Language
is a common factor in national identity for many countries, but for Slovenes,
it is a prominent principle. Slovenia is one of the youngest European nations since
it has spent much of its existence being a part of a bigger territory. Whether
it be “imperial Austria” or “then communist Yugoslavia”, the Slovenian tongue
was subject to being overrun by “demographic and political predominance” from
larger nations (Rupel, D. 2003). What is interesting to note about Slovenia is
that its emergence follows a “nation-to-state” model, meaning that the “Slovenian
nation and national identity existed before the sovereign nation-state was
created”. Therefore, it can be concluded that the Slovenian language was settled
before its independency. This only goes to show how historical and rooted
language is to the Slovenian national identity. And in recent times, Slovenia
is praised for its inclusion of multiple languages, but it appears that if a
visitor does not speak the language, the implication of their “foreign-ness” shifts
from a neutral to negative connotation. There have been instances of migrants in
Slovenia experiencing discrimination based on their apparent lack of being able
to speak in the Slovenian tongue, and therefore faces immense backlash by its citizens.
An unnamed Serbian kitchen aide is to have said, “I’m aware that in Slovenia
the official language is Slovenian and if I came to live here, I have to adapt”
(Bajt, V. 2016). Naturally, this sort of unfortunate circumstance occurs heavily
within the Croat and Serbian communities compared to the Hungarian and Italian
provinces despite the Serbs and Croats populating the country second to Slovenes
(CIA, 2019). This refers back to the aforementioned dissatisfaction Slovenes endured
under Serbian rule, as well as the fact that the Slovenian language has become
such a staple to its national identity that the presence of Serbs and Croats,
even after a number of years of coexisting alongside one another, remains a
threat as the two ethnic groups “display their national symbols” and preserve “the
right to speak their language (the former language of Yugoslavia”. Serbo-Croatian
is closer to the Slovenian language than Hungarian and Italian, both of which
are non-Slavic languages. The Slovenian identity has been so meticulously crafted
that it makes great strides in divvying the “symbolic border” between itself
and former republics of Yugoslavia (Hansen, L. 1996). This barrier of languages
and desire to relinquish oneself any association of its past affiliations is what
complicates the Slovenian national identity and reflects upon the prejudices
Slovenia continues to hold that prevents itself from truly welcoming groups of
any demographic into its borders.
Referring
to Anna Triandafyllidou’s
study of “Othering” in the context of nations, the Serb-Croatian minority
within Slovenia may be classified as an “internal significant other”,
specifically, as an internal minority, as it is the “ingroup” of which Slovenia
struggles to detach itself from (Triandafyllidou, A. 1998). This dialogue
emerged following the secession of Slovenia from Yugoslavia, and its quest in
reaching “Europeanness” and desire to be associated with the European Union
(EU). This crusade in trying to achieve the status of a “politically stable ‘Western’
country” as opposed to its Balkan ancestry is what ultimately led to the marginalizing
of any tether to former republics of Yugoslavia (Hansen, L. 1996). Though many
Serbs and Croats inhabit the country, and are given general rights under Slovenian
law, continue to face hostility by Slovenes as the constant desires to segregate
itself from these ethnic groups lies within the Slovenian identity; that it
cannot under any circumstance bring itself to coexist with affiliations from
their past as part of its journey in being equal to Western European countries.
Even with these radical occurrences, the Serb-Croatian inhabitants of Slovenia move
on with their life and either factor in these prerequisites as part of their everyday
life or fight against the discrimination in subtle ways (Bajt, V. 2016). It is
an issue that persists to this day, maybe in lesser extremities, but an existing
and prevalent issue, nonetheless.
In
conclusion, Slovenia’s national identity abides by its perseverance in hopes of
achieving the status of a respected and trusted contributor to the EU. Even if
it means battling with the validity of its former compatriots from a once
larger nation, in due time, Slovenia will have finally reached its end goal of
refining the Slovenian national identity and the foundation of which it was
built upon.
Word Count: 1259
References
Central Intelligence Agency. (2019). Slovenia. The World Factbook. Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/si.html
Bajt, V. (2016). Who "Belongs"? Migration, Nationalism
and National Identity in Slovenia. Razprave
in Gradivo : Revija Za Narodnostna Vprasanja, (76), 66,89. Retrieved
from http://login.proxy.seattleu.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.proxy.seattleu.edu/docview/1866457399?accountid=28598
Hansen, L. (1996). Slovenian
identity: State-building on the Balkan Border. Alternatives:
Global, Local, Political, 21(4), 473-495. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.proxy.seattleu.edu/stable/40644873
Kleibrink, A. (2013). The Hour of Europe:
Western Powers and the Breakup of Yugoslavia. Europe-Asia Studies, 65(6), 1228-1229.
doi:10.1080/09668136.2013.815031
Klemenčič, V., & Genorio, R. (1993). The New State of
Slovenia and its Function Within the Frame of Europe. GeoJournal, 30(3),
323-333. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.proxy.seattleu.edu/stable/41145800
Mandler, P. (2006). What is
"National Identity"? Definitions and Applications in Modern British Historiography. Modern Intellectual History, 3(2),
271-297. Retrieved from http://login.proxy.seattleu.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.proxy.seattleu.edu/docview/217318876?accountid=28598
Rupel, D. (2003). Between National
and European Identity: A View from Slovenia. Cambridge
Review of International Affairs, 16(2), 207. Retrieved from https://doi-org.proxy.seattleu.edu/10.1080/09557570302055
Triandafyllidou, A. (1998).
National Identity and the `Other'. Ethnic
& Racial Studies, 21(4), 593. Retrieved from https://doi-org.proxy.seattleu.edu/10.1080/014198798329784
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